Wednesday, August 31, 2011

CDR Inc.

GE's Jack Welch Joins Clayton, Dubilier & Rice Equity:

The former chairman will help the leveraged buyout firm assess investments and court clients.October 03, 2001|RANDY WHITESTONE | BLOOMBERG NEWSJack Welch, former chairman of General Electric Co., joined Clayton, Dubilier & Rice Inc. after a yearlong courtship, giving the 23-year-old leveraged buyout firm more clout.

The New York-based firm, which manages $6.6 billion of capital, said Welch, 65, will help it assess new investments and expand overseas as well as court clients. Welch, who retired from the world's biggest company last month, won't be actively involved in companies.
Members of CD&R’s advisor group work actively with the Firm on sourcing and evaluating new transactions, as well as providing strategic insights related to CD&R portfolio company matters.
Similar to CD&R’s full-time operating partners, our advisors have held senior leadership positions in major global corporations across a range of industries.

William J. Conaty
Mr. Conaty spent his entire 40 year career with the General Electric Company, having served as the senior vice president of corporate human resources since 1993. In this capacity, he was responsible for all human resources activities for GE’s 330,000 employees worldwide. He serves as a Trustee of Sacred Heart University and is on the Advisory Board of Cornell University’s Center for Advanced Human Resource Studies. He has chaired the National Academy of Human Resources and the Human Resource Policy Association since 2001.

Daniel P. Leff
Mr. Leff has extensive operating experience building, leading and restructuring global energy services businesses. At Invensys plc, a £7 billion worldwide manufacturing and services company, he co-led a turnaround as co-COO and as COO of the Energy Management Division. Before joining Invensys, Mr. Leff was selected to be chairman and CEO of Enron Energy Services by the creditor-appointed management team to help lead the parent corporation following its 2001 bankruptcy filing. Earlier Mr. Leff was COO of Enron Energy Services and additionally led the restructuring of the parent company’s international power plant and pipeline engineering and construction business. Mr. Leff previously founded a forward-looking energy services company, which he sold to Enron in 1997. Prior to that he operated, acquired and sold a New York City-based energy services company. Mr. Leff formerly served as a member of the board of directors, audit and compensation committees for Credit Acceptance Corporation. Mr. Leff has a B.S. in Mechanical Engineering from Union College.
Richard Lake Olver (born 2 January 1947) is Chairman of BAE Systems,[1] the world's largest Arms manufacturer.

[edit] Career
Following his studies at City University where he gained a degree in civil engineering, he joined BP in 1973. He became Managing Director of BP Gas Europe in 1988, and CEO of BP Exploration in 1998.[2]

[edit] BAE Systems

Olver joined the company in the role of non-executive chairman on July 1, 2004. He replaces Sir Richard Evans, who had served with BAE Systems and its predecessor companies for over 30 years. Olver previously held the role of deputy chief-executive at BP, which he had joined in 1973.
Olver also serves on the board of directors of the Reuters news agency.
Richard L. Olver Mr. Olver was appointed chairman of BAE Systems, the leading global defense and aerospace company, in 2004. Prior to that he had a 30 year career at BP culminating in his appointment as deputy group Chief Executive in 2003. Mr. Olver is a Non-Executive director of Thomson Reuters and a member of their Remuneration Committee. He is also a Guardian of New Hall School, a member of the Trilateral Commission and was elected a Fellow of The Royal Academy of Engineering and sits on their Council. Mr. Olver is a chartered engineer with a First Class Honours degree in Civil Engineering and is also a member of the Institution of Civil Engineers. He holds an Honorary Doctorate in Science from both City University, London and Cranfield University, Bedfordshire.

Huw Phillips
Mr. Phillips joined the Firm in 2004. Serving as a partner based in London, he played a key role in CD&R’s acquisitions of Rexel and Exova. Prior to CD&R, he was a principal at Texas Pacific Group in Europe and at the European buyout firm Doughty Hanson. He was previously an investment manager at Claridge, Inc., a holding company managing assets for the Bronfman family, where he helped manage a health-services company, a restaurant group, a chain of gas stations and a magazine-publishing group. Mr. Phillips also worked as a management consultant with McKinsey & Co., Inc. in the U.K. He is a graduate of St. Peter’s College, Oxford University.
Mr. Huw Philips was a principal at Texas Pacific Group in Europe and at pan-European buyout firm Doughty Hanson. Mr. Philips joined CD&R in 2004 and is based in London. He played a key role in CD&R’s acquisition of Rexel. He was previously an investment manager at Claridge, Inc. a holding company managing assets for Bronfman family, where he helped manage a health-services company, a restaurant group, a chain of gas stations and a magazine-publishing group. Mr. Philips ...
Sir Nigel Rudd
Sir Nigel is chairman of Pendragon plc and BAA, deputy chairman of Barclays PLC and a non-executive director of BAE Systems plc and Sappi SpA. Previously, he was non-executive chairman of Pilkington plc from 1994 to 2006 and Alliance Boots plc from 1999 to 2007. Sir Nigel founded Williams PLC in 1982 and the company went on to become one of the largest industrial holding companies in the United Kingdom until its demerger in 2000, creating Chubb plc and Kidde plc. Sir Nigel is a fellow of the Institute of Chartered Accountants and was knighted by the Queen for services to the manufacturing industry in 1996. He holds honorary degrees at both Loughborough and Derby Universities.

William S. Stavropoulos
In a career spanning 39 years at The Dow Chemical Company, Mr. Stavropoulos served as CEO and chairman, as well as a variety of positions in Research, Marketing, and general management. He is currently chairman emeritus of the Board of Directors.  He served as president and chief operating officer from 1993-1995; president and CEO from 1995-2000; chairman and CEO from 2002-2004; and chairman from 2000-2006.  Mr. Stavropoulos was a member of the Board of Directors of Dow from July 1990 to March 2006.  He is a director of Teradata Corporation, Chemical Financial Corporation, Maersk Inc., and Tyco International, Inc., and is on the Advisory Board for Metalmark Capital LLC.  He is a trustee to the Fidelity Group of Funds. Stavropoulos holds a Bachelor of Science degree from Fordham University and a doctorate in medicinal chemistry from the University of Washington.
This excerpt taken from the CHFC DEF 14A filed Mar 9, 2006.
William S. Stavropoulos, age 66, has been a director of Chemical Financial since August 1993. Mr. Stavropoulos is Chairman of the board of directors of The Dow Chemical Company (“Dow”), a diversified science and technology company that manufactures chemical, plastic and agricultural products. Mr. Stavropoulos joined Dow in 1967 and has served in various senior management positions. Mr. Stavropoulos was named President of Dow Latin America in 1984, Group Vice President in 1987, Vice President in 1990, President of Dow U.S.A. in 1990, Senior Vice President in 1991, President and Chief Operating Officer in 1993, Chief Executive Officer in November 1995 and Chairman of the board of directors in November 2000. He was elected to the board of directors of Dow in 1990. Mr. Stavropoulos served as President and Chief Executive Officer from 1995 to 2000 and was reappointed to that position in December 2002. In November 2003, Mr. Stavropoulos relinquished the position as President and in November 2004 relinquished the position as Chief Executive Officer. Mr. Stavropoulos is also a director of NCR Corporation, BellSouth Corporation and Maersk Inc., and a trustee of the Fidelity Group of Funds. Mr. Stavropoulos has served as a director and member of various committees of Chemical Bank since April 1992. Mr. Stavropoulos is a member of the Audit, Compensation and Pension, Corporate Governance and Nominating, and Executive Committees.

William S. Stavropoulos became a director of Tyco in March 2007. Until his retirement in 2006, Mr. Stavropoulos was the chairman, president and chief executive officer of Dow Chemical Company. He spent his entire career at Dow, beginning as a research chemist and business manager and later assuming operating roles of increasing regional and global responsibility. Mr. Stavropoulos graduated from Fordham University with a Bachelor of Science in pharmaceutical chemistry and from the University of Washington with a Ph.D. in medicinal chemistry. Mr. Stavropoulos also serves as a director of Chemical Financial Corporation, NCR Corporation and Maersk Corporation. He is also a trustee of Fidelity Group Mutual Funds, and president and founder of Michigan Baseball Foundation.
The firm that built the house of Enron
McKinsey refocused the energy firm. Now it fears collateral damage from the collapse, says Jamie Doward

Donald J. Gogel,

President and Chief Executive Officer
Over his 22 years at CD&R, Mr. Gogel has led many of the Firm’s most successful investments. Prior to joining the Firm, Mr. Gogel served as a Partner at McKinsey & Company, Inc. and a Managing Director at Kidder, Peabody & Company, Inc. He is Chairman of the Cancer Research Institute, Senior Vice Chairman of The Mount Sinai Medical Center, a Trustee of the Rhodes Trust and a member of the Dean’s Council of the Faculty of Arts and Sciences at Harvard University. Mr. Gogel holds a B.A. from Harvard College, an M. Phil. in Politics from Balliol College, Oxford University, where he was a Rhodes Scholar, and a J.D. from Harvard Law School.

Theresa A Gore

Ms. Gore, a certified public accountant, has been with CD&R for seventeen years and is responsible for the day-to-day administration of finance, compliance, operations, human resources, administration and information technology. She was previously with Richard A. Eisner & Company, where she served as an audit manager. Ms. Gore holds a business degree in accounting from Iona College.

Life and career

1975–1991: Early life and career beginnings

Ferguson was born in Hacienda Heights, California, the daughter of devout Roman Catholic school teachers Theresa Ann (née Gore) and Jon Patrick Ferguson


  • Gemma Arterton
    Gemma Arterton
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  • Courteney Cox
  • Patrick Dempsey
    Patrick Dempsey
    Patrick Galen Dempsey is an American actor, known for his role as neurosurgeon Dr. Derek Shepherd on the medical drama Grey's Anatomy. Prior to Grey's Anatomy, he made several television appearances, earning him an Emmy Award nomination...
  • Carl Edwards
  • Fergie
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    Salma Hayek
    Salma Valgarma Hayek Jiménez-Pinault is a Mexican actress, director and producer. She is one of the most prominent Mexican figures in Hollywood...
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    Keri Hilson
    Keri Lynn Hilson is an American R&B recording artist and songwriter. Born and raised in Decatur, Georgia, Hilson made herself a name as a songwriter, penning tracks for several artists in the mid-2000s as part of the five-person production/songwriting team known as The Clutch...
  • Jennifer Hudson
    Jennifer Hudson
    Jennifer Kate Hudson is an American recording artist, actress and spokesperson. She came to prominence in 2004 as one of the finalists on the third season of American Idol coming in seventh place...
  • Derek Jeter
    Derek Jeter
    Derek Sanderson Jeter is a Major League Baseball shortstop who has played his entire career for the New York Yankees. He has served as the Yankees' team captain since 2003...
  • Zoe Saldana
    Zoe Saldana
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  • Serena Williams
    Serena Williams
    Serena Jameka Williams is an American professional tennis player who is a former World No. 1 and currently ranked World No. 17 in singles and No. 20 in doubles with sister Venus Williams. The Women's Tennis Association has ranked her World No. 1 in singles on five separate occasions. She became...
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    Venus Williams
    Venus Ebony Starr Williams is an American professional tennis player ranked World No. 29 in singles and World No. 20 in doubles as of 2011. She is considered one of the greatest women's tennis players of all time, she has been ranked World No. 1 in singles by the Women's Tennis Association on...
  • Reese Witherspoon
    Reese Witherspoon
    Laura Jeanne Reese Witherspoon , better known as Reese Witherspoon, is an American actress and film producer. Witherspoon landed her first feature role as the female lead in the film The Man in the Moon in 1991; later that year she made her television acting debut, in the cable movie Wildflower...

Corporate officers

Members of the board of directors  of Avon Products, Inc. are: Don Cornwell, Edward Fogarty, Stanley Gault , Fred Hassan , Andrea Jung , Maria Lagomasino, Ann S. Moore , Paul Pressler , Paula Stern, and Lawrence Weinbach. CEO Andrea Jung has been criticized for her managerial skills by many analysts including Jim Cramer.
Board of directors
A board of directors is a body of elected or appointed members who jointly oversee the activities of a company or organization. The body sometimes has a different name, such as board of governors, board of managers, board of regents, board of trustees, board of visitors, or executive board...

Stanley Gault
Stanley C. Gault spent 31 years with General Electric before being named Chairman of the Board and CEO of Rubbermaid from 1981-1991. He became CEO and Chairman of The Goodyear Tire and Rubber Company from 1991-1996. Since 1985, he has been a director at Avon Products, Inc...

Fred Hassan
Fred Hassan , a native of Pakistan, who was the Chairman of the Board and Chief Executive Officer of pharmaceutical company Schering-Plough from 2003 until November 3, 2009 when the company completed its merger with Merck & Co.....

Andrea Jung
Andrea Jung is a Chinese-American business executive. In 2001, she was named one of the 30 most powerful women in America by Ladies Home Journal....

Ann S. Moore
Ann S. Moore was the Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of Time Inc. until the fall of 2010. She became the company's first female CEO when she was appointed to the position in July 2002....

Paul Pressler
Paul Pressler is an advisor of the New York- and London-based private equity firm Clayton, Dubilier & Rice. Formerly president and CEO of Gap, Inc...

American Pie .........the song (Don McClean)

The Grand Rapids LipDub (NEW WORLD RECORD)  (I really liked this till I saw an AMWAY ad at the end.)
I would say the key part of the expression is "motherhood and apple pie" and that it means something like "back to basics" as icons of home and childhood. So when someone says "As American as motherhood and apple pie" (or the more common "As American as apple pie"), they're not claiming either motherhood or apple pie to be particularly American; rather, they are saying that the importance of home and family is a key American concept; that home and family are the basic social unit; and that whatever they are promoting that is like "motherhood and apple pie" should be regarded as a basic need -- a safe idea.

Matthew, Gunnar, and Sam Nelson "Garden Party"

Rick Nelson & The Stone Canyon Band Garden Party Live 1978

Tomorrow Show - Ricky & David Nelson Interview

Don McClean American Pie
In the autumn of 1971 Don McLean's elegiac American Pie entered the collective consciousness, and over thirty years later remains one of the most discussed, dissected and debated songs that popular music has ever produced. A cultural event at the peak of its popularity in 1972, it reached the top of the Billboard 100 charts in a matter of weeks, selling more than 3 million copies; and at eight and a half minutes long, this was no mean feat. But this was no ordinary song, either: boldly original and thematically ambitious, what set American Pie apart had a lot to do with the way we weren't entirely sure what the song was about, provoking endless debates over its epic cast of characters. And these controversies remain with us to this day. But however open to interpretation the lyrics may have been, the song's emotional resonance was unmistakable: McLean was clearly relating a defining moment in the American experience—something had been lost, and we knew it. Opening with the death of singer Buddy Holly and ending near the tragic concert at Altamont Motor Speedway, we are able to frame the span of years the song is covering—1959 to 1970—as the "10 years we've been on our own" of the third verse. It is across this decade that the American cultural landscape changed radically, passing from the relative optimism and conformity of the 1950s and early 1960s to the rejection of these values by the various political and social movements of the mid and late 1960s.

Coming as it did near the end of this turbulent era, American Pie seemed to be speaking to the precarious position we found ourselves in, as the grand social experiments of the 1960s began collapsing under the weight of their own unrealized utopian dreams, while the quieter, hopeful world we grew up in receded into memory. And as 1970 came to a close and the world this generation had envisioned no longer seemed viable, a sense of disillusion and loss fell over us; we weren't the people we once were. But we couldn't go home again either, having challenged the assumptions of that older order. The black and white days were over.
Bye bye, Miss American Pie.

•   •   • The 1950s are fondly remembered as a kind of golden age in American history, a charmed moment in time when the country seemed more confident and hopeful than it has ever been. A period of unprecedented economic prosperity, it was the era when the majority of Americans, freed from the constraints of the Great Depression and World War II, took some time off from the uncertainties of life to simply enjoy themselves; and in a long, giddy parade of marriages, babies, automobiles, suburban homes and kitchen appliances, celebrated their achievement of the American Dream. Never before had the wealth of a nation been so widely distributed. But American enthusiasms during these years were rooted in more than just the good things that money could buy. Allied victories in World War II had been great moral victories for the country as well, and as the United States rose to economic and political world dominance in the postwar years, national pride went soaring right along with it. Americans at mid-century were mighty impressed with America—and happy for awhile:

In that era of general good will and expanding affluence, few Americans doubted the essential goodness of their society. After all, it was reflected back at them not only by contemporary books and magazines, but even more powerfully and with even greater influence in the new family sitcoms on television. These—in conjunction with their sponsors' commercial goals—sought to shape their audience's aspirations. However, most Americans needed little coaching in how they wanted to live. They were optimistic about the future.

From The 1950s by David Halberstam
Introduction, continued
The same cannot be said of the 1960s. Just as the fifties was an era of great optimism and consensus, the sixties became its antithesis, as the black and white values of the status quo embraced by the previous generation—the sense of the "essential goodness" of American society—no longer rang true. Emerging from the civil rights issues that had been simmering since World War II, and spurred on further by an unpopular war in Southeast Asia, this generation's dissatisfaction with American culture grew markedly more pronounced, as many of the assumptions about the society we were born into were called into question:
...the civil rights and antiwar and countercultural and woman's and the rest of that decade's movements forced upon us central issues for Western civilization—fundamental questions of value, fundamental divides of culture, fundamental debates about the nature of the good life.
From The Sixties: Years of Hope, Days of Rage by Todd Gitlin
The rules were changing. And so was the music. As American values were shifting through this period, a corresponding shift can be observed in rock 'n' roll, as it moved away from the exuberant simplicity of the 1950s to the more literate and politically charged subject matter of the 1960s. And as the music reflected these changes it also became symbolic of them, producing a defining musical figure at each major turning point: Bob Dylan at the more cerebral beginnings of the radical sixties, the Beatles during its more idealistic middle period, and the Rolling Stones closer to its anarchic end.
So even though American Pie appears to chronicle the course of rock 'n' roll, it is not, as is sometimes suggested, a mere catalogue of musical events. In using the cast of rock 'n' roll players from the 1960s and setting them against the backdrop of Buddy Holly's death, they become polarized—metaphors for the clash of values occurring in America at this time: Holly as the symbol of the happier innocence of the fifties, the rest as symbolic of the sixties growing unrest and fragmentation. And as each verse sums up chronological periods in time—the late 1950s, 1963-66, 1966-68, 1969, 1970—another blow against the happier innocence of another era is registered: another day the music dies.
•   •   •
The song can be divided into roughly 5 sections: the prologue (verse 1), which looks back from the early seventies and introduces the catalyst for the story about to unfold; Act 1 (verse 2), which, along with the chorus and verse 1, establishes the 1950s as the reference point for the rest of the song; Act II (verses 3 & 4), in which the story builds on the growing conflicts of the 1960s; Act III (verse 5), the apocalyptic climax of the story; and the epilogue (verse 6), the song's coda.

From "1968 in America" by Charles Kaiser:
Nineteen sixty-eight was the pivotal year of the sixties: the moment when all of a nation's impulses toward violence, idealism, diversity, and disorder peaked to produce the greatest possible hope—and the worst imaginable despair. For many of us who came of age in that remarkable era, it has been twenty years since we have lived with such intensity. That is one of the main reasons why the sixties retain their extraordinary power over every one old enough to remember them. The sixties and the thirties were the only modern decades in which large numbers of Americans wondered out loud whether their country might disintegrate. From this distance the massive unemployment of the Depression looks like a bigger threat than the upheavals of the more recent period. But unlike the still puzzling moods of the sixties, the nature of American despair in the thirties was never mysterious: People were miserable because they were hungry, fearful because they weren't sure anyone would ever figure out how to put them back to work again.
...Thus, as 1968 began, these were some of the sources of the malaise gnawing away at many of the six million draft-age students in college, the largest group of undergraduates in American history: an absence of religious conviction; an unwanted intimacy with the nuclear void; an unexpected familiarity with political assassination—Malcolm X's in 1965, as well as John Kennedy's in 1963—and a yearning for the idealism that was the most evocative part of Kennedy's presidency. Together these disparate elements fed two seemingly contradictory but actually complementary impulses: the desire to create our own culture, a world of our own where we could retreat from the world of our parents; and the need to embrace causes larger than ourselves, crusades that would give us the chance to define ourselves as moral people.
...television news was bruising everyone's nerve endings nightly. In 1968 it brought the War in Vietnam and the war in the ghetto into every dorm room and living room with a power no other medium could match. The pictures Americans saw made millions of them intensely uncomfortable with themselves: pictures of the South Vietnamese national police chief shooting a suspected Vietcong in the head during Tet, of Martin Luther King's casket, and of Bobby Kennedy's bleeding body on a hotel kitchen floor; pictures of the uprisings all over America after King's death and the worst fires in the city of Washington since the War of 1812. Ghetto insurrections were followed by campus revolts, most dramatically at Columbia University. For the first time since their invention, televised pictures made the possibility of anarchy in America feel real.

Altamont The following excerpt is from Todd Gitlin's book "The Sixties: Years of Hope, Days of Rage:"
The tale has been told many times of how, at Altamont, among three hundred thousand fans, the Hell's Angels, serving as semiofficial guards, killed a young fan, black, who had a white date and the temerity to offend the Angels (by getting too close to them, or their motorcycles, or the stage), and then, at some point, pulled a gun—all the while Mick Jagger was singing "Under My Thumb." I heard about the killing that night, on the radio, having left before the Stones took the stage. But by the time I left, in the late afternoon, Altamont already felt like death. Let it sound mystical, I wasn't the only one who felt oppressed by the general ambience; a leading Berkeley activist told me he had dropped acid at Altamont and had received the insight that "everyone was dead." It wasn't just the Angels, shoving people around on and near the stage, who were angels of death. Behind the stage, hordes of Aquarians were interfering with doctors trying to help people climb down from bad acid trips. On the remote hillside where I sat, stoned fans were crawling over one another to get a bit closer to the groovy music. Afterward everyone was appalled and filled with righteous indignation. But exactly who or what was at fault? On a practical plane, there were movie-rights squabbles; greed had played its part in preventing adequate preparations. But the effect was to burst the bubble of youth culture's illusions about itself. The Rolling Stones were scarcely the first countercultural heroes to grant cachet to the Hell's Angels. We had witnessed the famous collectivity of a generation cracking into thousands of shards. Center stage turned out to be another drug. The suburban fans who blithely blocked one another's views and turned their backs on the bad-trippers were no cultural revolutionaries. Who could any longer harbor the illusion that these hundreds of thousands of spoiled star-hungry children of the Lonely Crowd were the harbingers of a good society?

The Fifties The following is excerpted from the introduction to David Halberstam's book "The Fifties":
...the fifties appear to be an orderly era, one with a minimum of social dissent. Photographs from the period tend to show people who dressed carefully: men in suits, ties, and—when outdoors—hats; the women with their hair in modified page-boys, pert and upbeat. Young people seemed, more than anything else,"square" and largely accepting of the given social covenants. At the beginning of the decade their music was still slow and saccharine, mirroring the generally bland popular taste. In the years following the traumatic experiences of the Depression and World War II, the American Dream was to exercise personal freedom not in social and political terms, but rather in economic ones. Eager to be part of the burgeoning middle class, young men and women opted for material well-being, particularly if it came with some form of guaranteed employment. For the young, eager veteran just out of college (which he had attended courtesy of the G.I. Bill), security meant finding a good white-collar job with a large, benevolent company, getting married, having children, and buying a house in the suburbs.
In that era of general good will and expanding affluence, few Americans doubted the essential goodness of their society. After all, it was reflected back at them not only by contemporary books and magazines, but even more powerfully and with even greater influence in the new family sitcoms on television. These—in conjunction with their sponsors' commercial goals—sought to shape their audience's aspirations. However, most Americans needed little coaching in how they wanted to live. They were optimistic about the future. Young men who had spent three or four years fighting overseas were eager to get on with their lives; so, too, were the young women who had waited for them at home. The post-World War II rush to have children would later be described as the "baby boom" (everything else in the United States seemed to be booming, so why not the production of children as well?) It was a good time to be young and get on with family and career: Prices and inflation remained relatively low; and nearly everyone with a decent job could afford to own a home. Even if the specter of Communism lurked on the horizon—particularly as both superpowers developed nuclear weapons—Americans trusted their leaders to tell them the truth, to make sound decisions, and to keep them out of war.
For a while, the traditional system of authority held. The men (and not men and women) who presided in politics, business, and media had generally been born in the previous century. The advent of so strong a society, in which the nation's wealth was shared by so many, represented a prosperity beyond their wildest dreams. During the course of the fifties, as younger people and segments of society who did not believe they had a fair share became empowered, pressure inevitably began to build against the entrenched political and social hierarchy. But one did not lightly challenge a system that seemed, on the whole, to be working so well. Some social critics, irritated by the generally quiescent attitude and the boundless appetite for consumerism, described a "silent" generation. Others were made uneasy by the degree of conformity around them, as if the middle-class living standard had been delivered in an obvious trade-off for blind acceptance of the status quo. Nonetheless, the era was a much more interesting one than it appeared on the surface. Exciting new technologies were being developed that would soon enable a vast and surprisingly broad degree of dissidence, and many people were already beginning to question the purpose of their lives and whether that purpose had indeed become, almost involuntarily, too much about material things.

The Sixties  The following is an excerpt from the introduction to Jon Margolis' book, "The Last Innocent Year: America in 1964 (The Beginning of the Sixties)":
There never was an innocent year.
...But there was a time when the delusion of innocence was easy to believe, when the myth was at least as useful as it was deceiving. That time ended when 1964 did.
If the delusion of innocence ended in 1964, something else began: the Sixties. The calendar tells us decades begin when the next-to-last number of the year changes. We know better. When Americans at century's end hear that now-cliched term the Sixties, the hopeful and relatively placid years of John Kennedy's campaign and presidency do not come to mind. Their tumultuous aftermath does. If the tumult did not start in 1964, it blossomed then...
From every perspective except the calendar's, 1964 started forty days early, when John F. Kennedy was murdered in Dallas. The wonder is that the belief in American innocence was not murdered that day, too. In retrospect, perhaps it was, but because beliefs do not die as cleanly as people do, their deaths can escape recognition. America spent the months after John Kennedy's death in denial. A few clung to the idea of an ersatz resurrection by hoping that Kennedy's successor would choose Robert Kennedy as vice president. Almost everyone tried to tell him or herself that the assassination, for all its horror, was an aberration, that the country and its culture remained strong, healthy, and essentially unchanged. They were wrong. On January 1, 1964, the dourest observer of the passing scene could not foresee a country in which students would rise up against their elders, city dwellers would set fire to their neighborhoods, large numbers of privileged young people would openly flout the law, and women would begin to wonder whether the male sex was their oppressor. By year's end, the most optimistic observer of the passing scene would have wondered about all that—if an optimistic observer could be found. For 1964 was the first year since the end of World War II, if not in the twentieth century, in which events challenged, if they did not overwhelm, America's habitual optimism. Sure, there had always been naysayers and grouches—from Thoreau to Mark Twain to Ambrose Bierce—but these had been a minority even among the intellectuals. The prevailing ethos had been that although there were problems aplenty, they could all be solved thanks to democracy, freedom, the market economy, and plain old American know-how. That ethos was not destroyed in 1964, but it was shaken, and the shaking came from the American people themselves, who rose up—not as one, but as many diverse, disagreeing (and disagreeable) factions against the elites who had been governing them. For the first time, some even wondered whether America's problems should be solved. These uprisings destroyed the consensus.

Come Together (Beatles)


BAE Systems to share £200 million arms deal with Libya

Last updated at 16:16 03 August 2007

Libya is close to signing an arms deal which will see BAE Systems share a contract worth £200 million, according to the French government.
The country is apparently on the verge of buying anti-tank missiles and radio systems from European aerospace and defence group EADS.
The group said the deal is a MBDA joint venture which includes Britain's BAE Systems and Finmeccanica, based in Italy.
It claims to have finalised an accord to sell Milan anti-tank missiles to Libya and be in advanced talks about supplying radios.
Scroll down for more...
The deal came days after French President Nicolas Sarkozy visited Tripoli
Cecilia Attias (Sarkozy) 

Regulation not negotiable, says Richard Attias
Will the post financial crisis era result in a major overhaul of the world's financial systems as the Great Depression gave birth to the SEC and the FDIC, or will the impact be more confined, like the junk bond scandal that felled Drexel Burnham Lambert and sent Michael Milken to jail? The Deal pondered the question in a video conversation with Richard Attias, who produced the World Economic Forum for 13 years and launched the Clinton Global Initiative. "Regulation is not negotiable, but which type?," asks Attias. The answer will come from dialogue between leaders of the public and private sectors, he says. And that's just what he's organizing now with the The New York Forum, a confab of CEOs, financial leaders and government regulators to be held in June. Watch the video below or download it on iTunes. -- Mary Kathleen Flynn

Clinton Global Initiative Hires APCO Worldwide

Bill ClintonFormer President Bill Clinton established the Clinton Global Initiative (CGI) in 2005 to implement innovative solutions to some of the world's most pressing problems, like hunger, poverty and access to health care. By some accounts, CGI's effectiveness rivals that of the United Nations in this regard. Ironically, CGI selected APCO Worldwide to help organize its 2010 annual meeting. APCO is the same public relations firm that helped Philip Morris organize a damaging front group in October, 1993 called The Advancement of Sound Science Coalition that helped the tobacco industry fight public health efforts to control secondhand tobacco smoke after the EPA rated it a Group A Human Carcinogen. APCO has also helped industry pin the label of "junk science" on environmentalists. APCO also managed a massive, tobacco industry-funded, below-the-radar national effort aimed at altering the American judicial system to make it more hostile towards product liability lawsuits. The effort, also known as tort reform, was actually an internal corporate program of Philip Morris (PM). PM hired APCO to create fake "grassroots" organizations around the country called "(insert state name here) Citizens Against Lawsuit Abuse, e.g., "Alabama Citizens Against Lawsuit Abuse." Creating the appearance of a "tort reform movement" was a massive undertaking. It involved convincing other industries to join the so-called "movement" to help obscure the fact that Philip Morris was the organizer.

Government Interference and Manipulation

APCO specializes in helping corporations advance their goals by manipulating legislators, and drafting and advancing model legislation and regulations. Key tools A&P uses include the creation of business coalitions and fake, corporate-funded "grassroots" groups tailored to specific issues. A 1995 APCO Associates pamphlet titled "Political Support Services" states
"Pushing Michael Moore off a cliff"
On November 17, 2010, insurance whistleblower Wendell Potter announced that he had witnessed a conspiracy involving APCO to defame film director Michael Moore and to discredit Moore's health insurance documentary Sicko. On the daily television news show Democracy Now!, Potter alleged that when Sicko was released in 2007, APCO discussed plans to "attack this movie as fiercely as possible" and that they should plan on "pushing Michael Moore off a cliff."[17][18] Potter's allegation corresponds to information he leaked earlier regarding the strategies employed by the insurance trade industry consortium AHIP to discredit "Sicko".[19][20][21]
AHIP and "Sicko"
On the July 10 2009 edition of Bill Moyers Journal, Wendell Potter, former Vice President of corporate communications at the health insurance corporation CIGNA, claimed that the industry was "afraid" of the Michael Moore documentary Sicko.[11] As a result, AHIP formed a strategy to "discredit this film".[12] As part of the reporting on this allegation, Bill Moyers Journal provides May 2007 and June 2007 drafts of a memo entitled "Ensuring Accurate Perceptions of the Health Insurance Industry".[13][14] This memo outlines the strategy the health insurance industry would use to battle Moore’s documentary. The later draft lists the following as the "5 Strategies We Reached Consensus On":
  1. "Debate the System, not the Anecdotes. Set the record straight then get off Moore’s turf and on to ours."
  2. "Reframe the Debate: Mount Campaign against a Government-run Health Care system."
  3. "Define the Health Insurance Industry Industry as Part of the Solution."
  4. "Caution Democrats Against Aligning with Moore’s Extremist Agenda."
  5. "Game Plan for Various Potential Scenarios."
The AHIP memos do not list any factual errors in Sicko. The memos instead focus primarily on media messaging in terms of influencing politicians and public opinion.

[edit] Controversy

AHIP's 2005 television ad "Shark Bait" drew harsh criticism for its claim that "lawsuit abuse" by American trial lawyers cost the typical American family $1,200 a year.[15]
On August 27, 2009, Michael Tuffin a spokesman for AHIP, told CNN’s “Lou Dobbs” program that ”every survey shows strong satisfaction for private health insurance,” as part of the organization’s campaign against health care reform. The non-partisan Politfact watchdog organization found that his words were "half-true." In fact, Politifact said polls have found that often the majority of consumers have varying degrees of satisfaction, but are not strongly satisfied. For instance, an ABC News poll in June 2009 about the cost of health insurance premiums found 23 percent were very satisfied, but a combined 75 percent of consumers were somewhat satisfied, somewhat dissatisfied or very dissatisfied (31 percent somewhat satisfied, 19 percent somewhat dissatisfied and 25 percent very dissatisfied.) [16]
A key differentiator for APCO has been its unique international advisory council, a cadre of leaders from the worlds of business, politics, diplomacy and media who provide valuable expertise and insight. There were several additions in 2009, including Elliott Abrams, former deputy national security advisor to President George W. Bush; Carlos Gutierrez, former Kellogg chief executive and U.S. Commerce Secretary; Tony Namkung, expert on U.S.-Asia relations; Mark Dybul, former director of the U.S. office of the Global AIDS Coordinator; and Tony Lake, former national security advisor to President Clinton. Other thought leadership initiatives included a partnership with The Washington Diplomat to survey the attitudes of foreign ambassadors, and research into employee confidence and loyalty with specialist firm Gagen MacDonald. And the firm’s APCO Insight corporate reputation research approach continues to gain traction with clients.
Services of Focus:
Sectors of Focus:
Energy/Renewables | Government | Transportation & Infrastructure
Regions of Expertise:
Americas: Mexico | United States

Bill Richardson

Gov. Bill Richardson, chairman of APCO Worldwide’s Global Political Strategies (GPS) group, has extensive experience in public service, academia and the private sector. He completed his second term as governor of New Mexico in 2010, having been elected to the office in 2002.
On April 4, the insurance industry group America’s Health Insurance Plans (AHIP) released a TV ad called “Shark Bait” that will run through the entire month on national cable channels, accompanied by print ads appearing in various Washington, DC publications. According to a press release, the ad campaign
America's Health Insurance Plans Ad: "Shark Bite"
Announcer: They're circling. America's trial lawyers are on the prowl. And your health care is still their favorite bait. Their lawsuit feeding frenzy costs every American household up to $1,200 a year in higher medical bills. That's money that could have gone in your pocket. Now it's just fish food. It's time for Congress to stop lawsuit abuse. Because until they do, it won't be safe for anyone to go back in the water.
highlights the cost of malpractice lawsuits and shows how trial lawyers “have set their sights on opposing medical liability reform.” The sponsor is an association of nearly 1,300 providers of health insurance, including such giants as Aetna, Cigna and many Blue Cross Blue Shield organizations.

BAE SYSTEMS to represent uk interests in nato iff working group

09 Apr 2002

BAE Systems has been awarded a contract by the UK Ministry of Defence to provide continued technical support to the NATO Air Identification Friend or Foe (AIFF) Working Group. This permanent body is responsible for control of the further development of the IFF Mode 5 system architecture and associated standards within the NATO Standardisation Agreement (STANAG) 4193.

Sarkozy earned widespread plaudits in France after his visit to Tripoli but the opposition Socialists questioned selling arms to Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi.
They called for a parliamentary commission of inquiry to establish whether the sale was related to the release of the medics.
"There's a further question, which doesn't have to do with a commission of inquiry, which is, should we have arms deals with a country like Libya, ruled by Gaddafi?" Socialist party leader Francois Hollande told France Inter radio.
Libya started emerging from international isolation in 2003 when it agreed to halt a weapons programme prohibited by the United Nations and pay compensation for the bombing of a U.S. airliner over Scotland in 1988 in which 270 people were killed.


From SourceWatch

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Finmeccanica is the fourth largest defence manufacturer in Europe and in the top ten in the world [1]. The Italian company generates revenue of around $5.9bn through its military operations, which include aircraft, radar systems, combat vehicles, ammunition, command/control systems, space systems, helicopters and unmanned aerial vehicles.

Stephen Bryen

  • Finmeccanica, Inc.: President
  • Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs: Former Head
  • Center for Security Policy: Former Adviser
Please note: IPS Right Web neither represents nor endorses any of the individuals or groups profiled on this site.
Stephen D. Bryen is a longtime Washington insider. He is president of the defense contractor Finmeccanica, Inc., which is the U.S. branch of the Italian arms maker that maintains close ties to many Republican Party elites. Bryen is also closely connected to various high-profile neoconservatives like Richard Perle, under whom Bryen served when Perle was President Ronald Reagan's assistant secretary of defense, and has supported the work of a number of hardline pro-Israel groups like the Center for Security Policy (CSP) and the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA).
The Grateful Nation Awards presentations began with a short address from Dr. Stephen D. Bryen, President of Finmeccanica North America, co-sponsor with JINSA of the Grateful Nation Awards. Dr. Bryen noted that the Grateful Nation Award recipients were each nominated by their commanding officers and chosen by the senior leadership of their respective services for their exceptional service in the War on Terror.

The Israel Lobby-Military-Industrial Complex nexus

In fact, JINSA is one of the key pro Israel lobby groups. Ed Herman and Gerry O'Sullivan note that:
JINSA is run by individuals closely identified with Israeli interests and may be regarded as a virtual lobbying organization for the state of Israel as well as a terrorism institute. The two are closely related, as one aspect of lobbying for Israel consists of trying to discredit the Palestinians and PLO as terrorists. JINSA also illustrates the multinational character and ambiguity of affiliation of the institutes and experts in the terrorism industry. JINSA vice-president Morris J. Amitay is former head of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, a major pro-Israel lobbying organization. [3] Others affiliated with JINSA as founders and board or advisory board members include Michael Ledeen and Walter Laqueur of CSIS, Jack Kemp, retired Admiral Elmo Zumwalt, and Max Kampelman, Jeane Kirkpatrick, and Eugene Rostow, the latter three all Reagan administration officials as well as members of the Committee on the Present Danger and Committee for a Democratic Majority. [4]
JINSA has produced numerous studies and newsletters detailing Soviet support for the PLO and alleging PLO backing for international terrorism, central points of Israeli propaganda. Until 1981, the JINSA newsletter was edited by the institute's executive director, Dr. Stephen Bryen, a former staffer for New Jersey Republican Senator Clifford Case. In 1979, Bryen had gone to work for the Coalition for a Democratic Majority. By 1980, he was running JINSA, and in 1981 he joined the Pentagon to work with Richard Perle.[5]
Other critics agree, that JINSA, in association with Frank Gaffney's Center for Security Policy is part of a cooperative initiative to influence governmental affairs in Washington in a manner favorable to Israeli, or Zionist, interests.[6]
Douglas Jay Feith served as the Undersecretary of Defense for Policy, the third ranking civilian position at the Pentagon, from July 2001 until his resignation effective August 8, 2005. Feith, a hardline Zionist, previously served on the White House National Security staff under Richard Allen during Ronald Reagan's first term in office. He was dismissed when Judge William Clark replaced Allen. Allegations of improperly handling classified materials were made but Feith was not prosecuted. During Reagan's second term in office, Feith was part of Richard N. Perle's Pentagon team.

Study Group on a New Israeli Strategy Toward 2000

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The 1996 Study Group on a New Israeli Strategy Toward 2000 for the Washington, DC/Israel-based think tank Institute for Advanced Strategic and Political Studies "advised Prime Minister-elect Benjamin Netanyahu 'to work closely with Turkey and Jordan to contain, destabilize, and roll back' regional threats, help overthrow [Saddam] Hussein, and strike 'Syrian military targets in Lebanon' and possibly in Syria proper." [1][2]
"Levin noted in a prepared statement that, beginning in September 2002," President George W. Bush, Vice President Dick Cheney, "then-national security adviser Condoleezza Rice, then-CIA Director George J. Tenet, and then-Secretary of State Colin L. Powell used the alleged chemical and biological training by Baghdad as valid intelligence in speeches and public appearances to gather support for the Iraq war," Pincus wrote.
"'The newly declassified information provides additional dramatic evidence that the administration's prewar statements regarding links between Saddam Hussein and al Qaeda represents an incredible deception,' Levin said."


All My Children ends (TV) Sept. 23, 2011

All My Children Ends Sept. 23

2:18 pm, Jun 30, 2011 | Written by jkiesewetter   |   1Comments   |  

This just in from ABC: “All My Children” ends Friday, Sept. 23, as the fall TV season ramps up.   Building up to the finale, ABC will bring back many old favorite characters.
Says ABC: “Out of love and respect for the show, many beloved actors will be returning to Pine Valley, including Josh Duhamel (Leo Du Pres), Eva La Rue (Maria Santos), Thorsten Kaye (Zach Slater), Carol Burnett (Verla Grubbs), Kate Collins (Janet Green), Jennifer Bassey (Marion Chandler), Melissa Claire Egan (Annie Chandler) and Leven Rambin (Lily Montgomery), among others yet to be announced. Final episodes will celebrate the stories of the families that fans have grown to know and love over the years.”
Here’s the full release:

ABC will broadcast its final episode of the Daytime Emmy Award-winning drama series, “All My Children,” on Friday, September 23. The iconic series will end in a manner that respects the show’s legacy and honors its history.
Out of love and respect for the show, many beloved actors will be returning to Pine Valley, including Josh Duhamel (Leo Du Pres), Eva La Rue (Maria Santos), Thorsten Kaye (Zach Slater), Carol Burnett (Verla Grubbs), Kate Collins (Janet Green), Jennifer Bassey (Marion Chandler), Melissa Claire Egan (Annie Chandler) and Leven Rambin (Lily Montgomery), among others yet to be announced. Final episodes will celebrate the stories of the families that fans have grown to know and love over the years.
Recently nominated for a total of 13 Daytime Emmy Awards in 2011 and hallmarked for its iconic brand of humor and satire, “All My Children” has been prized with more than 30 Daytime Emmy Awards over the past four decades, including the three-time top honor of Outstanding Drama Series. January 5th, 2011, marked the celebration of 41 years on the air for “All My Children.” Praised for its socially conscious foundation, the show has been at the forefront of such issues as AIDS, rape, abortion, alcoholism, spousal abuse and racial bias, among others.
Created by Agnes Nixon, “All My Children” premiered on the ABC Television Network on January 5, 1970, as a half-hour show; seven years later it expanded to an hour. Julie Hanan Carruthers is executive producer with Lorraine Broderick as head writer. “All My Children” is produced in Los Angeles and airs MONDAY-FRIDAY (1:00
-2:00 p.m., ET), on the ABC Television Network.
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All My Children's creator Agnes Nixon returns to show

With "All My Children" ending its decades-long run on television, Agnes Nixon will make an appearance during its final month on the air.

Bill Maher Live in FresnoCome see Bill Maher live in Fresno on October 30th!
She will once again play the character of Agnes Eckhart, a role that debuted in 2005 to celebrate the daytime drama's 35th anniversary. Eckhart sits on the board of directors of Pine Valley Hospital according to ABC who announced Nixon's return to the show.
The network's press release gave a bit of detail regarding what part Agnes Eckhart will play in the plot line of All My Children (AMC).
"This time around, Agnes Eckhardt is admitted to Pine Valley Hospital where Cara (Lindsay Hartley) and David (Vincent Irizarry) tend to her. She also crosses paths with Erica Kane (Susan Lucci). Agnes has a profound effect on all of the characters she interacts with that changes the course of their lives. Nixon’s first episode airs on August 31, 2011."
Agnes Nixon needs no introduction to fans of All My Children, a program that has won more than 30 Daytime Emmy Awards including the top honor of Outstanding Drama Series on three separate occasions. AMC was extended to a full hour on the air in its eighth season on ABC, after debuting as a thirty-minute show in 1970.
It was considered a pioneer in the genre of daytime television by inserting hot-button social issues in its scripts, thanks to Agnes Nixon.
She began her run as the queen of what were called soap operas with the program entitled "Search for Tomorrow" which premiered in 1951. After 31 years on CBS Broadcasting, "Search for Tomorrow" migrated to NBC until it went off the air after completing its 35th year in 1986.
Nixon was also behind daytime's, "One Life to Live," which made it to ABC television in 1968, a couple of years before AMC. It remains on the air to this day but its demise has already been announced. The final airing of One Life to Live will occur mid-January 2012.
Prior to her time as a creator of daytime dramas, she wrote for some of the more popular programs in that category, such as "Guiding Light" and "As the World Turns."
Both "All My Children" and "One Life to Live" will not disappear entirely. ABC announced that it had licensed the rights to both programs and they will reappear online. That original story can be found, here.
In addition to Nixon's appearance during the final days of AMC, other actors and actresses have already begun showing up during an episode or two. They include, Josh Duhamel and Carol Burnett.